Miquel Porta Perales is a critic and writer
Beyond institutional and constitutional disloyalty, provocation, defiance, disobedience, the blow to democracy and the rule of law and - if so decided by the Supreme Court - the embezzlement of public funds, rebellion, sedition or conspiracy for rebellion or sedition, beyond all this, there is sufficient evidence to sustain that in Catalonia we are witnessing a civil insurgency process that, today, is not far from a phase of street rehearsal.
Civil insurgency because they want to change the established political order (de facto illegal repeal of constitutional and statutory legality on 6 and 7 September 2017; There is an organized movement with a clear violent component - CDR, GAAR or Bandera Negra- and a prolonged struggle in that sense (the 'country strike' of October 3, 2017, the attempted assault of the Parliament of Catalonia on October 1, 2018 as well as the serious riots of December 2018: kale borroka, urban guerrilla, vandalism, hooded violence and attacks on fundamental rights). Also, because there is a plan to confront democratic legality and the rule of law and proclaim the independence of Catalonia: the so-called 'Slovenian way' endorsed by the current president of the Generalitat of Catalonia that involves anti-democratic unilateralism, violence, ethnic uniformity and acceptance of the consequences that a process of this nature would have in the form of violent civil conflict.
A path that was already explored in 2013 by the government of the Generalitat of Catalonia at the time (advisory trips by members of the Executive) and which was approved by the now vice-president of the Generalitat -Pere Aragonès, from ERC- who published an article entitled A Slovenian Story (2013) in which he pointed out that, once Catalonia's independence was proclaimed, the European Union, as happened then with Slovenia, could change its mind and recognize Catalonia's independence, because "this story [Slovenia's independence] teaches us that positions on international and community relations adapt to new circumstances" and "it will depend on our abilities and on the very characteristics of the process that the international community opts for the former [recognition of Catalonia's independence without Spain's agreement] and not the latter [non-recognition of Catalonia]... the future has not been written to us, we will write it with facts and attitudes". So bear in mind that it was Pere Aragonés - considered conciliatory and moderate - and not Torra who first enthusiastically theorized about the 'Slovenian way'.
Catalan independence, after the preparation phase -victimization, subversion, indoctrination and internal and external agitprop-, seeks to enter fully into the phase of the street rehearsal with its eyes set on the celebration of the trial against the imprisoned politicians that would open the phase of secessionist culmination. It will be said that this is the choice of one of the most radical parts of Catalan nationalism. Five clarifications in this respect: 1) nationalist radicalism is not only a question of two enlightened people like Carles Puigdemont or Joaquim Torra and their cohort; 2) the so-called moderates only make gestures that exhaust themselves; 3) there is the nationalism of the worst the better that is willing to repeat the clash with the State at any price, 4) there are certain economic interests that also seem willing to repeat this clash in favour of a hypothetical short, medium or long term benefit; and 5) if, when the time comes, the situation is propitious, no one would be surprised if not only the most radical among the radicals but also other sectors of Catalan nationalism that are now distancing themselves from this strategy were to join it in toto.